Sunday, January 24, 2010

Afghanistan parliamentary election postponed


Afghan election posters in August 2009
Last year's presidential election was marred by fraud
Afghanistan is to postpone its parliamentary elections by four months until September, the country's election commission has confirmed.
Elections were to take place before 22 May under the constitution but a new date of 18 September has been set.
The commission cited a lack of funds and security concerns for the delay.
Last year's presidential election was marred by fraud, and Western nations have been pushing for reforms ahead of the parliamentary vote.
'Sensible decision'
Fazil Ahmad Manawi, a senior election commissioner, told reporters in Kabul: "The Independent Election Commission, due to lack of budget, security and uncertainty and logistical challenges... has decided to conduct the [parliamentary] election on September 18, 2010."
United Nations funds are available to fund the elections but have been made contingent on reforms to the system.
The US and other Western nations have said that another election marred by fraud could undermine their strategy in the country.
The chief UN envoy Kai Eide said this month that Afghan law did provide for a delay to the polls, although President Hamid Karzai had wanted the original date to be met.
One international diplomat told the Reuters news agency the postponement was "a pragmatic and sensible decision which will allow time for reform of the key electoral institutions to enable cleaner parliamentary elections".
Underlining the continuing security concerns, Nato said that three US service members were killed in two separate bomb attacks in southern Afghanistan on Sunday.
London conference
Afghanistan is also facing ongoing political uncertainty, with a number of cabinet posts still vacant following the re-election of Mr Karzai as president.

Hamid Karzai, file pic
Hamid Karzai had wanted to observe the original election date
Parliament has twice rejected many of Mr Karzai's nominations for a new cabinet, forcing the president to direct deputy ministers or other caretaker figures to run their ministries.
The uncertainty comes ahead of a key conference on Afghanistan in London next week.
Improving the governance of Afghanistan will be a key issue at the conference, along with security.
Western nations will try to cement their strategy both for increased foreign troops and a strengthened Afghan force.
US envoy for Pakistan and Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke said last week the "strategy for Afghanistan is settled" and the London summit would implement it.
A panel of officials from Afghanistan, the UN and countries contributing troops recently agreed to increase the size of the Afghan National Army from the current figure of about 97,000 to 171,600 by the end of 2011.
Last year, US President Barack Obama announced a review of strategy, saying he would send 30,000 more troops to Afghanistan.
Nato allies agreed to send at least 7,000 extra troops to support the US surge.

The commission earlier said it needed about $50m from international donors to part fund the estimated $120m election budget.
United Nations funds are available to fund the elections but have been made contingent on reforms to the system.
The US and other Western nations have said that another election marred by fraud could undermine their strategy in the country.
The chief UN envoy Kai Eide said this month that Afghan law did provide for a delay to the polls, although President Hamid Karzai had wanted the original date to be met.
One international diplomat told the Reuters news agency the postponement was "a pragmatic and sensible decision which will allow time for reform of the key electoral institutions to enable cleaner parliamentary elections".
Underlining the continuing security concerns, Nato said that three US service members were killed in two separate bomb attacks in southern Afghanistan on Sunday.
London conference
Afghanistan is also facing ongoing political uncertainty, with a number of cabinet posts still vacant following the re-election of Mr Karzai as president.
Parliament has twice rejected many of Mr Karzai's nominations for a new cabinet, forcing the president to direct deputy ministers or other caretaker figures to run their ministries.
The uncertainty comes ahead of a key conference on Afghanistan in London next week.
Improving the governance of Afghanistan will be a key issue at the conference, along with security.
Western nations will try to cement their strategy both for increased foreign troops and a strengthened Afghan force.
US envoy for Pakistan and Afghanistan Richard Holbrooke said last week the "strategy for Afghanistan is settled" and the London summit would implement it.
A panel of officials from Afghanistan, the UN and countries contributing troops recently agreed to increase the size of the Afghan National Army from the current figure of about 97,000 to 171,600 by the end of 2011.
Last year, US President Barack Obama announced a review of strategy, saying he would send 30,000 more troops to Afghanistan.
Nato allies agreed to send at least 7,000 extra troops to support the US surge.

North Korea responds angrily to South's talk of strike

North Korean soldiers with UN honour guard at border with South Korea
North Korea's nuclear programme has heightened regional tensions
North Korea has responded angrily to the South's suggestion that it could launch a pre-emptive strike against Pyongyang's nuclear facilities.
South Korea's defence minister had said this could occur if there were indications that the North was preparing a nuclear attack.
The North's official news agency said any attempt to do so would be treated as a declaration of war.
It added that it would be met with swift and decisive military action.
Tensions between the two nations rose after Pyongyang pulled out of six-party talks on its nuclear programme last April following widespread condemnation of a long-range missile launch.
International pressure grew following a nuclear test in May - which drew UN sanctions and further missile tests.
Conditions
The six-party talks, involving the two Koreas, plus the United States, China, Japan and Russia, began in 2003.
They seek to convince Pyongyang to give up its nuclear programme in return for aid and security guarantees.
Late last year, North Korea said it may be willing to return to the talks.
But earlier this month Pyongyang set down conditions, saying it would not return to the stalled talks until sanctions against it were lifted.

Born the Same Year; Similarities End There


CHOPIN and Schumann, whose bicentenaries the classical music world celebrates this year, have long been linked as pioneers of Romanticism, in part because of the shared year of their births. Yet they were quite different creative artists who had little personal contact and moved mostly in separate circles.

Robert Owen Lehman Collection
A page from one of the Morgan Library & Museum’s manuscripts by Chopin.

General Photographic Agency/Getty Images
Frederick Francois Chopin.
Frédéric Chopin, the son of a French immigrant to Poland and a Polish mother, studied music in Warsaw until, at 20, he set out to further his career elsewhere. He never returned to his native land. The outbreak of the November uprising in Warsaw in 1830 provoked Russia to crack down on Poland. Chopin spent most of the rest of his life in Paris, where he was one of many Polish expatriates. Robert Schumann, born in Zwickau, Germany, lived and worked mostly in German cities, especially Leipzig.
Chopin was a natural musician with such precocious talents as a pianist and improviser that he considered himself essentially self-taught. Schumann was a bookish young man raised in a literary household where music was a rewarding amateur endeavor. Initially drawn to literature as much as music, he likened musical composition to a poetic activity.
But however much they differed, these masters will be celebrated together this year, notably in three recitals by the pianist Emanuel Ax at Carnegie Hall this winter. The first program, with the cellist Yo-Yo Ma on Friday evening, will feature a new work for cello and piano by Peter Lieberson, “Celebrating Schumann.” In addition, on Feb. 3 the pianist Garrick Ohlsson will present the first of two diverse programs of Chopin’s works at Alice Tully Hall. Much more is to come.
To understand the contrasting backgrounds from which Chopin and Schumann emerged, consider what each was up to around the time
of his 20th birthday. On graduating from music school, Chopin secured two important concerts in Vienna. At one he played his Variations for Piano and Orchestra on “Là ci darem” from Mozart’s “Don Giovanni.” Writing home about his success, he said that “everyone clapped so loudly after each variation that I had difficulty hearing the orchestral tutti.”
Back in Warsaw a few months later he played his new F minor Piano Concerto before an enraptured audience. From all reports he was an astonishing pianist. Yet sickly, retiring and prone to mood swings, Chopin was a reluctant concert artist who considered publicity an invasion of his privacy.
Schumann at 20, though aching to be a musician, was studying law in Leipzig and miserable about it. His father, a writer who made a good living translating Byron and Walter Scott into German, had died in 1826. His will stipulated that Robert would have to complete three years of university training to receive his inheritance. Though indifferent about his law lectures, Schumann was passionate about the piano lessons he was taking with the renowned teacher Friedrich Wieck. Still, he was plagued with insecurity. In a diary entry he assessed his talents in poetry and in music as “at the same level.”
You have to feel sorry for the young Schumann, who underestimated his originality and skill as a composer even at this fledgling stage. His unbridled musical imagination would soon pour out in the piano works of the early 1830s, rhapsodic, wildly inventive suites of short and even fragmentary pieces. The whimsical “Papillons” (“Butterflies”) were elegantly described by the Schumann scholar John Daverio as “less a dense web than a gossamer tissue of premonitions and recollections.” The brilliant “Carnaval” is like a portrait gallery of Schumann’s friends (real and imagined), love interests, musical heroes (including Chopin) and adversaries.
Yet Schumann was in awe of Bach, studied “The Well-Tempered Clavier” almost daily and wrote fugues and canons all his life. Even in his most fantastical works, Schumann’s command of counterpoint and grasp of adventurous chromatic harmony lend texture, density and substance to the music.
Like Schumann, Chopin was a lifelong devotee of Bach who brought subtle polyphonic complexities to his works, even to waltzes and mazurkas that dance on the surface. All aspiring pianists at the time were compelled to write concertos as showcases for their own gifts. Chopin was never much interested in writing for the orchestra. Still, in his first effort, at 17, those Variations on “La ci darem,” he handled orchestration ably enough.
But what makes the music stand out is the way Chopin fills the virtuosic piano passagework with intricate inner voices and contrapuntal writing. After examining a published edition of the variations in 1831, Schumann, who would become a major critic and editor of a music journal, wrote an influential review hailing Chopin with the words “Hats off, gentlemen, a genius.”


I recently examined the manuscript of the early variations and other Chopin works at the Morgan Library & Museum. It was fascinating to see the mix of fastidious and freewheeling penmanship in the variations. On the last page of the bound volume, among random musical sketches, there is a doodle, a drawing of a bewigged man in a coat with epaulets next to a monument with a missing statue. Surely this is Chopin’s impish caricature of Mozart.
Hulton Archive/Getty Images
Robert Schumann
    Schumann followed Chopin’s progress closely, mostly from afar. But on Oct. 9, 1836, they spent an “unforgettable day” together, in Schumann’s words, when Chopin passed through Leipzig. Schumann was enthralled with Chopin’s new Ballade in G minor, finding it an original and ingenious work. Chopin may have tried out an early version of the Ballade in F major for Schumann, to whom he eventually dedicated it. Was Chopin already aware of Schumann’s penchant for identifying multiple personalities within himself, now pensive, now wild and impetuous? The F major Ballade is Chopin’s most bipolar piece: a tender pastoral theme keeps being interrupted by furious outbursts.

    For me it is revealing to view these two masters through the prism of Beethoven. By the time Chopin and Schumann came of age as young musicians, Beethoven, who died in 1827, loomed as an intimidating giant. Every subsequent composer had to come to terms with Beethoven, who took the symphony, the sonata and the string quartet into new realms. The architectural grandeur and sheer substance of Beethoven’s works held most of the new generation in thrall. Schumann embraced the challenge of Beethoven. Chopin could not be bothered.
    Bach and Mozart were Chopin’s gods, though he also loved the bel canto opera composers of his day, especially Bellini. The symphonic imperative, the whole Beethoven thing, meant nothing to him. Composing nocturnes, mazurkas, waltzes, ballades and other novel works for the piano was what he did. He was not even that interested in the music of his contemporaries, though he was friendly with Berlioz, Liszt, Mendelssohn and others.
    The most intriguing description of Chopin’s creative process came from the French novelist George Sand, who had a nine-year love affair with him. Sand was six years Chopin’s senior, and there was an oddly maternal element to her love. “My third child,” she sometimes called him. But no one knew Chopin better.
    When he composed, according to Sand, ideas poured from him, almost as if he were improvising. Then came an agonizing process of working out the ideas amid torment, anger and weeping. There would be countless changes until, by the end, Chopin arrived back at something close to the initial inspiration.
    Chopin wrote a handful of chamber works and some beguiling songs. But mostly he wrote his idiomatic piano pieces. Even his Second and Third Piano Sonatas, though staples of the repertory, are unconventional. The Second Sonata is known for its severely beautiful funeral march. But the most astounding movement is the breathless finale, which unfolds as a softly rustling, dissonance-saturated, weirdly twisting single line in parallel octaves.
    Schumann could never quite shake off Beethoven. In 1832, at 22, he struggled to write a Symphony in G minor inspired by Beethoven’s “Eroica,” and finished only the first movement. It drew a tepid response at an otherwise sensational concert in Zwickau that featured the 13-year-old pianist and composer Clara Wieck, Friedrich’s daughter, who would eight years later become Schumann’s wife. In 1838, inspired by Beethoven’s Opus 131 String Quartet, Schumann tried to write a quartet of his own, which came to naught. Instead he completed his “Kinderscenen” (“Scenes From Childhood”) for piano, a tender, playful yet emotionally piercing suite still beloved by pianists.
    Schumann did write many enduring chamber works and four symphonies that have found places in the repertory. But when I think of him feeling compelled to advance the Germanic cause by writing symphonies and oratorios, I wish he had been liberated enough to have given us more works like “Kreisleriana,” a set of eight impetuous piano pieces inspired by a character from the writings of E. T. A. Hoffmann and dedicated to Chopin. Rich with intricate contrapuntal writing and exploratory harmonic passages, “Kreisleriana,” in its own episodic way, can seem as monumental as any symphony.
    It is amazing that Chopin’s enormous reputation as a pianist was based only on some 30 formal concerts that he gave during his lifetime. He was just too physically weak for concert life. From all reports his sound at the piano, with minute gradations of softness, was exquisite but small. He was most comfortable playing at salons and private homes.
    He made his living from his published works and from teaching piano, for which he commanded exorbitant fees. He pushed the boundaries of what was possible technically by composing 24 formidable études, published in two books, which he began when he was 20. Though the études explore specific areas of technique, they are musically riveting works. And if you can play the Chopin études, you can play anything written for the piano.
    By 1847 Chopin’s relationship with Sand was over. He lived another two years, dying from tuberculosis in Paris at 39.
    Schumann’s desire to combine the arts of poetry and music achieved a blissful synthesis when he turned to song in 1840, a burst of creativity that surrounded his marriage to Clara. Having come of age, Clara could defy her father, who went to court to try to prevent the marriage of his brilliant daughter to the dreamy Schumann, who — he charged, with good reason — was prone to drunkenness. Clara, who gave birth to eight children, also became one of the most celebrated pianists in Europe.
    The marriage was tragically affected by Schumann’s lifelong bouts of depression and mental instability. Whether his troubles, which in later years included delusions, hearing voices and fits of sobbing, were a psychotic disorder or resulted from syphilis has long been debated. In 1854, in a state of panic and worried that he might hurt Clara, Schumann left their home in Düsseldorf early one morning and leapt off a bridge into the Rhine. Rescued by fisherman, he was sent to an institution outside Bonn, where he died two years later. Clara was not allowed to see him until two days before his death.
    I find it touching that on good days during this period in the asylum, Schumann was allowed to walk into Bonn, where he made a point of visiting the monument to Beethoven.

    Skate Scoring Has Little for Artistry

    SPOKANE, Wash. — As Mirai Nagasu completed her stirring free skate Saturday night, the crowd at Spokane Arena leapt to its feet in raucous applause. A hail of toy animals rained onto the ice. Clearly, most in attendance thought that Nagasu had won the United States Figure Skating Championships.
    Lucy Nicholson/Reuters
    Mirai Nagasu electrified a crowd at the United States Figure Skating championships in Spokane, Wash., on Saturday.
    Pool photo by Elaine Thompson/Getty Images
    But the winner was Rachael Flatt, whose performance was steady but hardly inspiring artistically.


    crowd couldn’t see — a quarter under-rotation on her jumps. They’re making way too much of that. It’s getting to the point where it’s ridiculous. It hurts the sport.”
    Even if Flatt did deserve to win — and under the flawed scoring system she did — skating officials did her a great disservice by not explaining to the crowd why she won.
    Instead of placing the marks for each element in the skaters’ routines on the arena video screen, so that rewards and downgrades could be readily visible for each jump and spin, officials served the audience dry cumulative figures: Flatt finished with 200.11 points to 188.78 for Nagasu. The numbers might as well have been qualifying speeds at Daytona.
    Even a technical expert who appraised each skater’s performance for spectators via in-house radio seemed to miss the tiny but critical mistakes that separated Nagasu from Flatt.
    “It would be better for the sport if enough information was provided to the audience so they could understand why a skater got the marks she did,” said George Rossano, an expert on the scoring system.
    No doubt the old 6.0 system needed revision after the judging scandal at the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympics. And the new formula makes one significant improvement: Judges no longer seem to be holding places, or reserving the highest scores, for skaters who are anticipated to win. Performance does trump reputation.
    Various results at the national championships showed that “our sport is becoming more fair,” Tom Zakrajsek, who coaches Flatt, said in defending the new scoring system. “I thought Rachael was beautiful tonight.”
    Perhaps people are still growing accustomed to figure skating being less political and predictable than it has been in the past, Zakrajsek said.
    “All sports deal with numbers,” he said. “If figure skating is a combination of sport and art, then it shouldn’t be one way or the other way — all technical or all artistic.”
    Noting that divers and gymnasts are penalized for imperfect rotations in their routines, Zakrajsek said, “Why wouldn’t we do that in figure skating?”
    He added: “This is not a beauty pageant.”
    Both Flatt and Nagasu will compete next month at the Winter Games in Vancouver. Their styles will appear in stark contrast.
    “One is a great athlete, one is an artist,” said Frank Carroll, who coaches Nagasu.
    Hamilton described Flatt as someone who “punched her time clock every moment. She’s consistent and solid. You can depend on her.”
    Zakrajsek, Flatt’s coach, quoted Sarah Hughes, the 2002 Olympic champion, as saying, “When you go to the Olympics, you better stay vertical.”
    But many will yearn for something more than an athlete simply staying on her feet. After all, this is figure skating, not boxing.

    Except that she had not.
    Even some of the sport’s most astute experts were stumped.
    “I blew it,” Scott Hamilton, the 1984 Olympic champion and NBC commentator, said of Nagasu. “I thought she won. I got caught up in the performance.”
    Instead, Rachael Flatt, 17, of Del Mar, Calif., won her first American title with a performance that was steady and reliable but workmanlike, slow and hardly inspiring artistically. The crowd also gave her a standing ovation, but one far less boisterous.
    In Flatt, skating’s controversial scoring system has its perfect competitor, one who is mathematically astute in piling up points. Yet she also leaves an audience wanting much more in terms of rousing performance.

    In Japan, U.S. Losing Diplomatic Ground to China


    TOKYO — When Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates visited Japan’s new leaders in October, not long after their historic election, he pressed so hard and so publicly for a military base agreement that the Japanese news media labeled him a bully.
    Yuriko Nakao/Reuters
    Japan responded with eager hospitality during a visit to Tokyo last month by Vice President Xi Jinping, China's heir apparent.
    The difference between that visit and the friendly welcome that a high-level Japanese delegation received just two months later in China, Japan’s historic rival, could not have been more stark.
    A grinning President Hu Jintao of China took individual photos with more than a hundred visiting Japanese lawmakers, patiently shaking hands with each of them in an impressive display of mass diplomacy.
    The trip, organized by the powerful secretary general of Japan’s governing Democratic Party, Ichiro Ozawa, was just one sign of a noticeable warming of Japan’s once icy ties with China. It was also an indication that the United States, Japan’s closest ally, may be losing at least some ground in a diplomatic tug-of-war with Beijing.
    Political experts say Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama’s greater willingness to engage Beijing and the rest of Asia reflects a broad rethinking of Japan’s role in the region at a time when the United States is showing unmistakable signs of decline. It also reflects a growing awareness here that Japan’s economic future is increasingly tied to China, which has already surpassed the United States as its largest trading partner.
    “Hatoyama wants to use Asia to offset what he sees as the declining influence of the United States,” said Yoshihide Soeya, director of the Institute of East Asia Studies at Keio University in Tokyo. “He thinks he can play China off the United States.”
    Mr. Soeya and other analysts say warmer ties with China are not necessarily a bad thing for Washington, which has long worried about Japan’s isolation in the region. But some are concerned that the new openness toward China may also be driven by a simmering resentment within Mr. Hatoyama’s left-leaning government of what some here call the United States’ “occupation mentality.” Those feelings have been stoked by what many Japanese see as the Obama administration’s high-handed treatment in the dispute over the air base on Okinawa.
    The White House is pressing Japan to follow through on a controversial deal to keep a base on the island that was agreed to by the more conservative Liberal Democrats who lost control to Mr. Hatoyama’s party last summer after decades of almost uninterrupted power.
    “If we’re worrying that the Japanese are substituting the Chinese for the Americans, then the worse thing you could do is to behave the way that we’re behaving,” said Daniel Sneider, a researcher on Asian security issues at Stanford University.
    The new emphasis on China comes as Mr. Hatoyama’s government begins a sweeping housecleaning of Japan’s postwar order after his party’s election victory, including challenging the entrenched bureaucracy’s control of diplomatic as well as economic policy.
    On security matters, the Liberal Democrats clearly tilted toward Washington. Past governments not only embraced Japan’s half-century military alliance with the United States, but also warned of China’s burgeoning power and regularly angered Beijing by trying to whitewash the sordid episodes of Japan’s 1930s-1940s military expansion.
    American experts say the Obama administration has been slow to realize the extent of the change in Japan’s thinking about its traditional protector and its traditional rival.
    Indeed, political experts and former diplomats say China has appeared more adept at handling Japan’s new leaders than the Obama administration has been. And former diplomats here warn that Beijing’s leaders are seizing on the momentous political changes in Tokyo as a chance to improve ties with Japan — and possibly drive a wedge between the United States and Japan.
    “This has been a golden opportunity for China,” said Kunihiko Miyake, a former high-ranking Japanese diplomat who was stationed in Beijing. “The Chinese are showing a friendlier face than Washington to counterbalance U.S. influence, if not separate Japan from the U.S.”
    Some conservative Japan experts in Washington have even warned of a more independent Tokyo becoming reluctant to support the United States in a future confrontation with China over such issues as Taiwan, or even to continue hosting the some 50,000 American military personnel now based in Japan.
    Despite such hand-wringing among Japan experts in the United States, Mr. Hatoyama continues to emphasize that the alliance with Washington remains the cornerstone of Japanese security. And suspicions about China run deep here, as does resentment over Japan’s losing its supremacy in Asia, making a significant shift in loyalty or foreign policy unlikely anytime soon, analysts say.
    But in the four months since Mr. Hatoyama took office, there has been an unusual flurry of visits back and forth by top-ranking Chinese and Japanese officials, including one last month to Tokyo by China’s heir apparent, Vice President Xi Jinping.
    The new mood of reconciliation is also evident in the novel ideas that have been floated recently to overcome the differences over wartime history that have long isolated Japan from the region.
    These include a recent report in the Yomiuri Shimbun, a Japanese newspaper, based on unidentified diplomatic sources, of a Chinese initiative for reconciliation that would include a visit by Mr. Hatoyama to Nanjing to apologize for the 1937 massacre of Chinese civilians there by invading Japanese soldiers. President Hu would then visit Hiroshima to proclaim China’s peaceful intentions.
    While both countries dismissed the report as speculation, it spurred wide talk here that the report might be a trial balloon by one of the two countries that could signal a new willingness to make some sort of diplomatic breakthrough on the history issues.
    And a week after the visit to Beijing by Mr. Ozawa and his parliamentary delegation, which Mr. Hu heralded as the start of a smoother era in Japan-China relations, Tokyo reciprocated with its own display of eager hospitality during a visit to Tokyo by Mr. Xi, the Chinese vice president. Mr. Hatoyama arranged a meeting between Mr. Xi and EmperorAkihito at the Imperial Palace in Tokyo on short notice, breaking protocol that such audiences be arranged more than a month in advance.
    Mr. Ozawa, a shadowy kingmaker whose power rivals Mr. Hatoyama’s, is said to have warm feelings for China, where he has often visited, and he is widely seen as the force behind Japan’s latest overtures to Beijing.
    Other members of Mr. Hatoyama’s cabinet remain less convinced that any drift away from the United States is a good idea.
    One of the skeptics is Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa, who has stressed the need for the American military presence to offset China and a nuclear-armed North Korea. Last month, Mr. Kitazawa brought in Yukio Okamoto, a widely respected former diplomat and adviser to Liberal Democratic prime ministers, to advise Mr. Hatoyama on security issues.
    “The Democrats have to realize the threat we have on the Korean Peninsula, and that China is not a friendly country in military matters,” Mr. Okamoto said.
    Mr. Soeya, of Keio University, warned that the new Japanese government should at least think hard before sidling closer to China, saying, “Mr. Hatoyama does not have a clear sense of what relying on China would really mean, or whether it is even actually desirable.”